The economic burden of immigrants

Over many years there has been a constant critique of immigrants that they impose a financial burden on local, state and federal governments.  A common approach is to estimate public spending for immigrants without taking into account (1) enormous variation in burden/net contribution based on income, (2) their wage-related taxes and roles in pertinent industries (such as farming), and (3) citizens of matched demographics also are users of the same programs.  This posting highlights some studies.

Below is a relatively succinct take on this issue.   An ultra-simplified summary: low-income households, whether citizens or non-citizens, depend on government benefits – housing, food, medical care – to make ends meet.  As most are federal, it is up to the federal government to decide if and how to make them available.

There are two complicated parts of immigration law which impose, in different ways, constraints on what federal public assistance programs that certain non-citizen foreign-born persons have access to. (Go here for my description of the Public Charge Determination and the Public Benefit Rule – the terms often are used informally)  In all my readings on these standards, it became evident to me that while these standards are necessary, they are based on a core fiction: that to live in the United States, at the lowest quarter of household income, one can survive without at some time using public assistance programs.

First Trump administration Public Charge Rule

The “Public Charge” rule revisions proposed by the first Trump administration in 2018, but held off by a court,  would have effectively barred a very large number of legal low wage immigrants in the country from obtaining green cards. For example, among 48% of farm worker households, at least one person used at least one of the cited public assistance program in the past two years.

The median total income of these primarily farm working households (in 2014) was roughly $25,000. About 20% of all U.S. households have total income under $25,000 (found here). Another 9% have incomes between $25,000 and $35,000. The median household income of non-citizen immigrants in $40,000. (go here). Bottom line: a large share of non-citizen immigrant households are now vulnerable to denial of a green card due to use of public assistance programs actively used by citizen households with low incomes.

Manhattan Institute Sept 2024 study (here and here)

Summary: Immigrants without a college education and all those who immigrate to the U.S. after age 55 are universally a net fiscal burden by up to $400,000. (Grandma coming in at age 65 has imposed a lifetime fiscal drain of $406,000). The large positive fiscal impact of young and college-educated immigrants pulls up the overall average. Each immigrant under the age of 35 with a graduate degree reduces the budget deficit by over $1 million during his lifetime. As for those coming to the U.S. to study, the fiscal impact of the average graduate degree holder who entered the U.S., aged 18–24 is outstandingly positive, which is why the author strongly favors keeping STEM students here to live.

For 18 – 24 year old immigrants without a high school degree, the lifetime net fiscal impact is negative $314,000. The author looks at the impact of a U.S. born person with the same profile and estimates negative $256,000.  This is an interesting comparison as it shows that persons with poor formal education of a fiscal net loss, regardless of birth place.

Cato January 2026 study (here)

Summary: The public burden varies sharply by immigration status, largely because of age. Noncitizen immigrants—those on temporary visas, lawful permanent residents, and unauthorized immigrants—consumed by far the least: about $4,600 per person, or 54 percent less than natives. They represented 7.3 percent of the population but only 3.5 percent of total welfare and entitlement consumption. Their lower use holds across all major age groups and is especially pronounced for Social Security and Medicare, reflecting their younger median age.

Naturalized immigrants show a different pattern. They consumed about $11,500 per capita, roughly 17 percent more than native-born Americans. The study attributes this entirely to demographics: naturalized immigrants are older on average and therefore draw much more heavily on Social Security and Medicare. Once benefits are separated into old-age entitlements versus means-tested programs, naturalized immigrants still consume similar levels of means-tested welfare as natives, but significantly higher old-age benefits.

 

New immigrants have been more working age than the total population

Persons who received a green card in 2019 were 56% between 18- 44, prime working age, compared to 36% of the total population. New green card awardees 65+ are much fewer – 5.4% vs 18%.  (Go here.) Until 2025, immigrants added about 600,000 new workers a year.

This helps to explain the relatively high share of jobs filled by foreign born persons  — 18.6% –compared to the percentage of residents who are foreign born – 14%.

And this helps to explain why high a high percents of new births are by foreign born mothers – 23% compared to the percentage of residents who are foreign born – 14%.  Immigrants comprise a birthing factory (I have addressed this here).

How a decline in international students is playing out

The Institute of International Education has issued its Fall 2025 figures for international student enrollment.  Compared to the 2024-2025 academic year, which saw 1.2 million international students enrolled, in the Fall of 2025 total enrollment declined by 1%, which masks a 17% decline in new students while current undergraduates rose by 2%. This suggests that the new student flow has sharply cut back while those already enrolled are more determined to complete their degree.

Why the decline in new students? The IIE says colleges blame it on visa problems.

OPT – Optional Training Program – remains as a strong magnet for students.  (Go here and here for my prior posts.) Almost all colleges believe that students would go elsewhere without it. Roughly 330,000 today, approaching 30% of all international students.  As I’ve noted before, OPT is a channel into H1-B which is a channel into a green card. On purely personal perspective I expect this is a major attraction for many students but not valued by others. (Go here and here.)

Some colleges fare better than others in keeping their new international student roster high. One factor is the prestige of the college. One with high prestige will have a longer wait list to draw from if initially admitted students fail to get a visa. (Go here).

This plays out in Massachusetts. Fitchburg State University, with a student body of 6,100, attracted 271 international students in 2023 and only 148 for the 2025-2026 year. (Go here.) U.Mass Boston, which aggressively ramped up its international student numbers since about 2010, reports a 17% decline in first year international student enrollment this fall.

The phenomenon of Northeastern University

I can’t find figures for 2025-2026 international student enrollment at Northeastern  University.  Compared to all other large universities in Boston (Harvard, MIT, Boston University) Northeastern has adopted a long term strategy of being a magnet for large numbers of international students. I doubt whether it is experiencing a set-back in international enrollment.

It is in the very upper ranks of American universities with 20,000 or more international students (along with New York University and Columbia). Northeastern launched a strategy some years ago for a global reach, of which some of the key elements were the following.  Create campuses in English speaking countries where visa problems are unlikely to arise (Toronto, Vancouver, London). Build up the quality of scientific and engineering research to become a major attraction for students (undergraduate and graduate) who want to attend an American university. Maximize opportunities for students to work in the U.S. such as via OPT and H-1B. Use an expanded network globally as a feeder system for talented students.

 

The rise of second generation Blacks

Immigrant parents have higher educational expectations for their children than do non-immigrant parents. This helps to explain how the Black immigrant population has created a relatively high performing – (education and jobs) –second generation.

There are a lot of first and second generation Black immigrants.

between 2000 and 2020, the United States added two million new Black immigrants, initially mostly Caribbean-born to more evenly divided between the Caribbean and Africa.  In 2020 there were 4.5 million first generation Black persons, and around 4 million second generation black immigrants. In other words, first and second-generation Black persons account for 20% of the total Black population (47 million) in the U.S.  In 1990, there were very roughly 1.3 million first- and second-generation Black immigrants, or 3% of the Black population (30 million).

The first generation of Nigerian immigrants is very well educated.  But the entire cohort of Black second generation is doing relatively well.

A recent article described the remarkable rise of second-generation Black immigrants in education. Second-generation Black Americans have surpassed both native-born Blacks and Whites in education. In 2019–2024, their college-degree rate for men were 3 points ahead of white man. Second generation Black women graduation was five points ahead of white women.

Pew Research says that “Nearly a third of Black immigrants ages 25 and older (31%) had at least a bachelor’s degree in 2019, up from 21% in 2000. This 10 percentage point increase was larger than the increase among the Black U.S.-born population (8 points), the entire U.S.-born population (9 points) and the entire immigrant population (9 points).”

Black women, for instance, markedly outperform native-born Black women in both education and earnings. Black women earn on average about $31,500 annually. White women on average earn about $39,500. Second-generation Black women earn at or above the White average, therefore significantly more than the Black average.

Go here.

The rising trend of the Republican Hispanic voter has reversed

Republicans began to receive more Hispanic votes – until November 4, 2025. The number of eligible Hispanic voters is growing solidely. But be aware of the Hispanic voting deficit!

Background to 2024/2025: In the 2010s, Democrats had been relying on the support of roughly 90% of Black voters and 70% of Hispanic voters. This implies that per the Dems, the Republican should not expect to receive more than 30% of the vote.

In 2016, according to Edison Research, Trump received 28% of the Hispanic vote

In the 2018 mid-term Congressional elections, an estimated 69% of Latinos voted for the Democratic candidate and 29% backed the Republican candidate. 27% of Latino voters said they were voting for the first time, compared with 18% of black voters and 12% of white voters. This has been a trend for some time, as Hispanics are coming into adulthood at a relatively faster rate than are others.

In 2020, Trump won 32% of the Hispanic vote. Thus, the Democrats in the late 2010s achieved its target of 70% of the Hispanic vote, but the percentage was marginally declining. (Go here.)

In the 2022 mid-term Congressional elections, Pew Research estimated that 39% of Hispanic voters cast their ballots for Republican candidates, while 60% supported Democrats. This should have caused flashing red lights.

The Hispanic vote in November 2024

Trump won 46% of the Hispanic vote in the 2024 election. This percentage is 7% points higher than the 2022 mid-terms and 14% higher than the 2020 election. The swing was heavily among Hispanic men: per Edison Research, by 55% up from 36% for Trump in 2020.

American Electorate Voter Poll put Trump’s support among Latino men at 43%. The Navigator Research post-election survey said received 50% of Hispanic men. According to Edison Research, 38% of Hispanic women voted for Trump in 2024, up from 30% in 2020.

The Hispanic vote in November 2025

In the governor’s race in Virginia and New Jersey about 33% of the Hispanic vote went to the defeated Republican candidate. That below the percentage in the last non-presidential election (2022). In Hudson County, NJ, which has a 40% Hispanic population, the Republican candidate received only 25% of the vote, compared to 34% in 2000.

The Washington Post’s graph shows that with a 5% Hispanic share of the population, the total vote went Dem by about 2%, and with a 35-40% share the total vote went Dem by about 15%. there are some extreme outliers.

In sum, the surge of Hispanic approval of Republicans, dramatically evident in 2022 and 2024 voting, appears to have reversed. Is this is due to pocketbook issues, which past polling in early 2025 and before would suggest, or is it in part due higher concern about ICE enforcement?

The Hispanic voting deficit

One important aspect of the Hispanic vote for which we do not have the best information: the percentage of voting eligible Hispanics who actually vote is much lower than for whites (something like 50% vs 70%). And white people is the only race/ethnic group which today supports current ICE practices.

Nationwide, the number of voting eligible Hispanics is growing rapidly. Between 2020 and 2024, their numbers rose from 32 million to 36 million – about 4% a year, vs. an absolute decline in eligible white voters.  Hispanics make up about 22% of the white eligible vote, but only about 15% of these Hispanics vote. How this voting deficit effects Congressional races is a complicated question. But it should be worrisome to national Republican strategists.

For many facts on voting activity by race/ethnicity, go here.

The case for skilled worker immigration

The report “Exceptional by Design” is not a very original statement in support of skilled immigration, but it synthesizes many studies into one document. It covers the potential use of more of those who come for higher education study and the use of early and mid-career immigrants.  Its argument:

  • High-skilled immigrants accelerate innovation—their authorship of 36% of U.S. innovative output since 1990, with each 1% increase in their population share raising patents per capita by 9-18%
  • They comprise 19% of National Academy of Engineering members, 24% of National Academy of Sciences members, and 34% of Nobel Prize winners.
  • The semiconductor sector where immigrants founded Fairchild Semiconductor, which spawned Intel and Apple, and now account for 34% of patents in strategic fields, enhancing U.S. exports and competitiveness.
  • 80% more likely than native-born adults to start businesses, founding not just boutique firms both also 55% of unicorn startups (valued over $1 billion),
  • They expand job opportunities more than they compete for them, with H-1B workers earning a median $118,000 (surpassing 90% of U.S. workers).
  • They make high-skilled labor less scarce, reduce income inequality, accelerating wage growth faster for low-wage workers while still elevating high-skilled pay.

Here are past postings on the penetration of skilled immigrants (mainly STEM and medicine) in the Boston area, the rise of foreign-born STEM workers over time, and polls showing strong support for skilled worker immigration.

 

Foreign born workers and the supply of software engineers: Japan vs U.S.

The U.S. information technology sector (computer design, software, AI, etc.) is a major force in the world. When one compares its IT workforce with those of other countries, the role of foreign-born workers stick out.

The United States has 30% – 50% more software engineers per total workforce than does Japan. This is despite the relatively high penetration of numeracy and adaptive skills in Japan compared to other countries (go here).

One major factor behind the U.S. lead is the very high level of foreign-born information technology workers in the United States. The U.S. greatly depends on foreign-born IT workers. 39% of its software engineers are foreign born, compared to 4% in Japan. Japan depends are less on foreign workers throughout its economy than does the U.S (about 3% vs 19%).

For context, the U.S.’ use of foreign-born for software engineering (39%) is much higher than in the U.K. (18%).  There are roughly one million foreign-born software engineers in the U.S. How do they get here?  Among the roughly 700,000 H1-B workers. About half, or 350,000 pf them are software engineers. As I’ve posted before, there is a transnational IT workforce in the U.S. and India. This means that besides having a relatively lot more software engineers compared to Japan, the U.S. has a distinct advantage of being more able to draw easily upon a major supplier of software engineers in the world – India. Language barriers alone create a big barrier for Japan to beef up its software engineering workforce.

 

 

 

foreign personal caregivers: Japan vs U.S.

Since 2000, both Japan and the United States have experienced rapid expansion of their personal and elder care workforces. The demographic pressures that drive this demand are more severe in Japan, where by 2030 an estimated 30% of the population will be 65 or older, compared with about 21% in the United States.  How to they compare in staffing for personal care, which is overwhelmingly for elder care?

Japan’s long-term care workforce has roughly quadrupled, rising from about 550,000 workers in 2000 to 2.1 million in 2024. The United States saw its direct care workforce more than double—from roughly 2 to 2.5 million in 2000 to 5.4 million in 2024.  That is, 3% of the Japanese workforce in 2024, compared with 3.2% in the U.S. – basically equal in total workforce dependence.

What about family care, the subject in Yasujirō Ozu films such as An Autumn Afternoon (1962) and Tokyo Story (1953)?  It is possible that in Japan family members today take on more of the burden of personal caregiving in Japan than in the U.S.  The demographics show that a “family burden ratio” — the ratio of persons 45 years old (middle age, with the potential burden of elderly parents) to persons 75 years old is much lower than in the U.S. – i.e relatively fewer 45 year olds compared 75 year olds.  This ratio will worsen in the future in Japan but not appreciatively in the U.S.

But Japan’s share of foreign-born workers in the care sector remains modest—practically zero in 2000, just 0.2% in 2010, around 1.5% in 2020, and about 4% in 2024. Japan relies much less on foreign workers overall (3% of its entire workforce, vs. 19% in the U.S.) and it shows in the tiny numbers of foreign-born personal aides. Japan introduced over the past 10 years some policies to attract foreign works, such as the 2019 “Specified Skilled Worker” program designed to attract overseas caregivers.

Japan depends now mainly on Vietnam, Indonesia and Philippines for these workers. Automation (robots) and domestic recruitment will have to be heroic to be the solution without a major increase in foreign worker involvement.

The U.S. care sector has become increasingly immigrant-dependent. Some estimates say that foreign-born workers represented about 10–13% of the direct care workforce in 2000, rising to close to 30 percent by 2024. In some U.S. states, such as New York and Florida, immigrants now make up over half of all home health aides.  The foreign-born share is at about 40% for home health aides.

Does ICE enforcement cause a major reduction in personal care workers? Estimates of the share of personal care workers who are unauthorized tend to be low – less than 10%. One research team estimated in early 2025 that persons on Medicaid needing personal care will be most adversely. affected.

Trump is boosting temporary farm visa workers to replace unauthorized workers

The Trump administration plans to greatly increase the size of the temporary visa program for farm workers (H-2A) as it aims to completely shut down the large unauthorized workforce. There is a key change planned for the program. Its aim is to reduce the cost to the employer of using visa workers– and to greatly increase the use of seasonal migrant labor. 

In effect, the Trump administration seeks to completely rewrite the migration story of lower skilled workers for advanced countries, which was “We wanted workers but we got humans.” Its slogan: “We don’t want the humans, just the workers.”

The H-2A visa program began in 1952 allowing U.S. farmers to hire foreign workers for temporary or seasonal agricultural jobs when American workers are unavailable. (The program is for seasonal labor, not available for year-round dairy workers.) Usage has grown from 30,000 visas in 2000 to over 300,000 in 2023. The number of visas is uncapped. Roughly a fifth of visa holders for an agency which deploys the workers to farms.

The growth of use has mirrored a relative decline in unauthorized workers. The widely used estimate for unauthorized workers is over 50% of produce farm workers in California. Employers must prove they can’t find domestic hires, provide free housing, transportation, and pay at least the Adverse Effect Wage Rate (AEWR) to prevent wage depression by using foreign workers this discriminating against U.S. workers.

The Department of Labor just issued an Interim Final Rule to overhaul H-2A wage rules.  The net effect on H-2A workers is to reduce their pay. The Rule does this adjusting the minimum hourly wage by putting a higher value on free housing provided by the employer. Higher housing value (such as $300/month) than in the past causes the minimum wage to do down.  It gives an example: a minimum hourly wage of $17,35 declines to $13.38. The Dept of Labor expects savings for large employers at $5,500 per year, for small employers at $2,200.

Meanwhile, hourly wages of farm workers in California’s Inland Empire have doubled from about $10 an hour in 2020 to about $20 an hour today. The effect of these changes appear to have zero impact on citizens working in farming. It will make the H-2A program more attractive to employers. It will make the H-2A program less attractive to Latin Americans.

Will fewer workers show up? The short answer, based on studies (such as here and here) is no – that the differential in wages for farm workers in, say, Mexico, and the H-2A program is so large that workers will still come.  Expected result: a large increase in the H-2A workforce.  Given as there may over 400,000 unauthorized farm workers in California alone, this change plus ICE enforcement can lead to a doubling of the size of the temporary visa program.

 

Go here for interesting insights about unauthorized farm workers.

Facts about Hispanics in the U.S.

The U.S. Hispanic population is now one fifth (19.5%) of the total population, compared with under 15% twenty years ago in 2005.

This growth is due to immigration and younger age (and therefore more birth production). This mirrors the age profile: the median age of Hispanics is 31 vs the non-Hispanic population at 41. Interestingly, the fertility rate among Hispanic women, while relatively high in the past, is today very close to the national average of about 1.75.   Even if Hispanic migration grounds to a halt, the relative youth of Hispanics mean many more Hispanic births in the next 20 years.

Since 2010, the Hispanic population has grown annually (compounded) by 2%; the entire non-Hispanic population by 0.4% and the non-Hispanic white population by negative 0.25%.

Hispanic household formation grew an annual average of 2.8% vs non- Hispanics at 0.7%.  Nearly half (44%) of Hispanic heads of household are Gen Z or Millennials (i.e. born after 1980), compared to only 32% of non-Hispanic homes. Hispanic home ownership since 2010 grew six times faster than non-Hispanic home ownership. Household formation is a foundation to a country’s economic health.

Average income growth among Hispanics since 2010 has been 3.8% vs non-Latino at 1.5%. In 2005, the median individual annual income of Hispanics was 40% less than that of whites. Today, it is 25% less (but about by the same absolute amount of $25,000). This is likely do less

Higher education: between 2005 and 2019, Hispanic bachelor’s degree attainment grew at twice the rate (64% vs 31.7%) of non-Hispanic whites during this period.

Between 2010 and 2023 the Hispanic “GDP” (analyzed here) grew by 75% vs 27% for the non-Hispanic population. On an annual basis, the Hispanic GDP growth (compounded) averaged 4%.