National opinions about immigration

April 18th, 2019

Pew Research surveyed 18 countries for opinions about immigration. In 10 of the countries surveyed, majorities view immigrants as a strength rather than a burden. Among them are some of the largest migrant receiving countries in the world: the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, Canada and Australia (each hosting more than 7 million immigrants in 2017).

The table shows five countries. It leaves out some countries which are extremely hostile to immigration, including Hungary and Isreal.

By contrast, majorities in five countries surveyed – Hungary, Greece, South Africa, Russia and Israel – see immigrants as a burden to their countries. With the exception of Russia, these countries each have fewer than 5 million immigrants.

Meanwhile, public opinion on the impact of immigrants is divided in the Netherlands. In Italy and Poland, more say immigrants are a burden, while substantial shares in these countries do not lean one way or the other (31% and 20% respectively).

Top immigrant occupations

April 16th, 2019

About 17% of American jobs are filled by foreign-born workers. These jobs form an hourglass outline: highly paid workers in information technology and medical sciences, and lowly paid jobs such as in farming and construction laborers.  Jobs with low wages that are filled by many foreign-born workers tend to require little or no English proficiency — salon workers and farm workers, for instance.

Look for rising foreign-born work percentages in jobs that pay well but do not require much formal education and proficiency in English — examples being roofing and truck driving.

The graphic below separates out six jobs with extremely high foreign-born worker participation — one of th six is highly compensated –medical scientists.

Selected jobs with high foreign-born participation

From here and here.

Where to migrants live in the world?

April 14th, 2019

The United State hosts 44 million migrants, or 19% of all migrants in the world.


Letter from two former American ambassadors

April 12th, 2019

“If you thought the caravans were bad, you ain’t seen nothing yet” was written on April 9 by James Nealon, former US Ambassador to Honduras and John Feeley, a former US Ambassador.


So you hate undocumented and irregular migration from Central America? Well you’re going to hate it more now that the President has cut off aid to Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador, the countries from which the families and children we’re seeing at the southwest border are fleeing.

We have to ask ourselves, after seeing illegal border crossings drop to historic lows in 2017, why are we seeing a spike now? Three reasons: First, because we have a booming economy. As long as U.S. per capita GDP is 25 times that of Honduras, and as long as there are more jobs than job seekers, there will be a significant pull factor.

Second, though things have gotten better in the Northern Triangle (the murder rate in Honduras has been more than halved since 2012), all politics is local. For many people living in conflictive communities or rural poverty, things haven’t gotten better enough, quickly enough to meet their rising expectations.

And third, and maybe most importantly, the President doesn’t get that his own rhetoric is helping fuel the current surge of migrants at the border. The smugglers use the President’s own bombastic words as proof that the border is going to close and that if they don’t go now, it will be too late.

The reason we have “catch and release”, in which asylum seekers are released into the United States pending a far-in-the-future court date to adjudicate their case, is because those courts have a backlog of 800,000 cases. So rather than making a decision on an asylum request in real time, and repatriating those found not to have a valid case, everyone who makes a claim gets in, at least for awhile.

Rather than spend billions on a wall, rather than close the border, rather than cut off foreign assistance meant to fix the problem, why don’t we spend the resources necessary to fix the immigration courts? We wouldn’t tolerate an 800,000 case backlog at the DMV, so why should we tolerate it at the border?

The crisis at the Mexican border

April 11th, 2019

Excellent summary of the crisis by the NY Times:

The immigration courts now have more than 800,000 pending cases; each one takes an average of 700 days to process. And because laws and court rulings aimed at protecting children prohibit jailing young people for more than 20 days, families are often simply released. They are dropped off at downtown bus stations.

At the current pace of nearly 100,000 migrants each month, officials say more than a million people will have tried to cross the border in a 12-month period. Some of those arriving today will have a strong legal case to stay under international refugee treaties and federal asylum laws, but most won’t have a formal asylum hearing until 2021.

The flow of migrant families has reached record levels, with February totals 560 percent above those for the same period last year. As many as 27,000 children are expected to cross the border and enter the immigration enforcement system in April alone.

Relating to the Status of Refugees, nations agreed to allow anyone to seek asylum, even if they entered a country illegally. The agreements defined a refugee as someone with a well-founded fear of persecution based on “race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion.”

Determining whether an applicant receives asylum was left up to individual nations, but in the United States, the international obligations and the standards for asylum were largely incorporated into American immigration law beginning with the Refugee Act of 1980.

Only about 20 percent of asylum seekers ultimately win the right to live and work in the United States by proving that they would face persecution in their home countries.

Out of nearly 100,000 credible fear interviews during the year that ended in September of 2018, an asylum officer confirmed a credible fear 74,677 times — a nearly 75 percent approval rate. A senior Trump administration official vowed on Tuesday to dramatically reduce that rate by making the standards tougher.

Trump creating an opportunity for Democrats to lead on immigration

April 9th, 2019

The president’s purge of Homeland Security leadership this week does two things: first, that whatever might be called the Administration’s immigration policy has become hostage to a Mexican border enforcement policy, one which the courts have repeatedly curtailed and to a fight with the countries of origin for migrants at the border. Second, the shakeup is punishing the congressional Republicans, who are more attuned to the complexities of immigration on America’s main streets. Congressional Republicans have no independent voice on immigration.

This gives to congressional Democrats an opportunity to show leadership on immigration – something they have avoided — and likely will continue to avoid. Is there any Democratic presidential candidate whose immigration views are known, much less designed to lead as opposed to react?

An immigration policy needs to take into account three things: the impact on the United States, the impact on the countries of origin, and the migrants themselves.  Democrats have a golden opportunity to articulate a constructive, achievable approach to all three.

The Democrats could show (probably will not) an awareness of both the pluses and minuses of immigration today in America. The minuses generally involve problems in cultural integration.  They could show (this will be easy) a better understanding of how to work with Mexico, Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala, the key countries of origins. And they could give a lot more attention to crafting immigration policies which place the right emphasis on who is admitted (limiting family related immigration to immediate family and expanding economic categories of immigrants).


The divergence over immigration

April 8th, 2019

Democrats and Republicans largely thought alike about immigration until after around 2010. A widening gap grew not only over immigration, but also over other issues such as over race and racial justice. Democrats have moved much more left since about 2010.

From an article in Vox


Interviews with caravan members on Mexico / Guatemala border

April 6th, 2019

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees interviewed, in January 2019, 409 persons on the Mexico-Guatemala border, next to the international bridge, in Chiapas. 75% were from Honduras; 13% from Guatemala; 9% from El Salvador and 3% from Nicaragua. A third had arrived at the border in large caravans.

63% said they left their country due to being a victim of violence, or out of fear of violence. 70% said that to return to their country would expose them to risks, including risk of death.

Only 7% said that they had sought asylum in Mexico. Among the reasons for not seeking asylum in Mexico were misleading information or lack of knowledge; that the process was long; and that they were seeking to enter the U.S.
The interviews revealed that 46% preferred to resettle in Mexico, while 30% wanted to go elsewhere, principally the U.S.

The majority of persons interviewed were member of a family group. A third were women and 31% were children. 9% of children were traveling without a parent or legal guardian.

From here.

Dreamers: key demographics

April 4th, 2019

An expanded scope of the Dreamer (DACA) executive order by President Obama would result in slightly over two million individuals to be protected. Sixty percent live in five states.

On average, they arrived in the U.S. at age 8, in about 2000. This indicates that on average they are about 27 years old now, well past formal education and at work. Their households total about seven million people.

From here.

What Deported Mexican face when back in Mexico

April 2nd, 2019

About 200,000 Mexicans were deported from the U.S. in 2018. This is much lower than the 600,000 deported in 2009 but it has been roughly at the same level since 2014.  What do they face when returning?

Reception services for people deported from the United States have significantly improved since 2014.  But most returnees still face three obstacles: lack of identification documents upon return, difficulty getting education credentials recognized, and difficulty fulfilling the requirements to enroll in existing government programs.

Mexico’s National Migration Institute (Instituto Nacional de Migración, INM) receives deportees at one of 11 reception centers along the U.S.-Mexico border through its “We Are Mexican” (Somos Mexicanos) program. At these reception centers, people receive orientation, food, hygiene kits, medical attention, subsidized transportation assistance, referrals to local shelters, and certificates of repatriation (constancia de repatriación) that can in theory be used as a temporary form of identification to access some public services. In practice, the repatriation document is not recognized by most private or public institutions, effectively excluding returnees from many services during their first weeks back.

Employment in the formal sector in Mexico usually requires skill certifications that many returnees have difficulty obtaining. For those who wish to continue their education, revalidation of studies can take months or years.

Returnees cannot easily enroll in Mexico’s social programs, since most were not designed to consider Mexican citizens who have spent most of their lives abroad. Returnees do not meet requirements such as proof of residence (comprobante de domicilio) to register in federal health, education, and financial programs. Some jurisdictions have started adapting their programs to include this population. For instance, in 2017, Mexico City began to accept consular ID cards (matriculas consulares) and constancias de repatriación in lieu of proof of residence to qualify for unemployment benefits.

From here.